The local councils reform - Michael Briguglio

Times of Malta, 29 October 2018

One of the government’s proposals is to start referring to this level of governance as local government, thus incorporating local and regional councils. The latter have been allocated €3 million in next year’s budget and their president will be elected by local councillors.

The White Paper proposes a change from five to six regional councils. The government’s declared reasoning is to have a better sense of geographical governance, which can facilitate the awarding of contracts, the management of services and the application of EU funds.

For example, it is being proposed that waste management contracts should be awarded at regional level, thus theoretically enabling economies of scale and better coordination. Also, the White Paper does not tell us whether the regions are being organised in a way to favour labour regional majorities and therefore easier election of Labour presidents.

The government is also proposing to have better assistance to local councils on matters such as EU funding, scholarly research on regional matters and research and follow-ups on residents’ complaints. If applied well, this can help facilitate evidence-based policymaking.

Local councils will also be able to employ persons without authorisation from the respective minister and to improve workers’ skills through training and retraining. At the same time, the White Paper is not proposing anything to improve their working conditions.

Other proposals mentioned in the White Paper include stronger social, educational, integration, management and communitarian responsibilities for local councils. While these proposals are worthy, many are already in place and would improve if the government reverses the trend of centralising power in ministers’ hands.

I would have also expected the government to support the devolution of land such as for example public car parks, many of which are currently subject to illegal private ‘tipping’. Imagine if such revenue can be used for local needs instead.

The White Paper fails to say that local council authority over roads has practically been taken over by the government. Indeed, traffic management and accessible pavements are conspicuous by their absence in the document.

On a positive note, elderly people get a number of mentions. One example is assistance to local councils for projects related to this demographic category. Loneliness, cost of living, social exclusion, accessibility and illness are indeed key issues related to the elderly today.

In the meantime, wardens will now be known as community officers and will have a stronger educational role and less of a disciplinary role in terms of contraventions. What the White Paper does not say is that wardens have been centralised into a government department, meaning that councils have less say on the deployment of such personnel.

I am also disappointed that the 16 administrative committees that were established in 2010 will be abolished. The government is criticising their functioning and is instead proposing the facility to establish subcommittees. If one extends this argument, even some local councils are not functioning well, but it is up to the electorate to judge. Shouldn’t the same happen for administrative committees?

Unresolved matters include whether mayors should have full-time roles, whether they should have a maximum term of three legislatures and whether 16-year-olds who contest local council elections could become mayors themselves. In this regard, I propose a partisan truce between political parties so that the issue is decided upon through cross-party consensus.

Some other absences in the White Paper are issues such as security and community policing. I would also have expected the White Paper to give prominence to council financing. In this regard, the Opposition had proposed solutions without increasing tax, such as shifting some income from government services and tourism to councils.

Finally, the White Paper does not scrutinise the administration of the national urban development fund. A few days ago, One News reported that a substantial €28 million are available within it for council usage. However, I am informed that funds for certain councils seem to have decreased substantially. A fully audited and transparent revenue and expenditure statement by the Planning Authority would be most welcome.

Does the budget bring peace of mind? Michael Briguglio

Budget 2019 has several positive initiatives which Government is currently promoting through its intensive public relations strategy. The scope of this article is to highlight shortcomings of the budget which are too important to ignore.

First. Do the erstwhile positive social initiatives in the budget compensate for runaway increases in the cost of living? I do not think so. The respective compensation to workers and pensioners will likely be eaten up by tomorrow’s breakfast or one’s first outing, when one considers the increase of prices in foodstuffs, fuel, rent, utility bills and so many other goods and services.

Indeed, Malta is currently experiencing a situation where elderly persons must make extra sacrifices to cope with cost of living increases and where an increasing number of young persons cannot find the means possible to obtain a house loan or to afford rent. Surely not the best of times for such persons.

True, the cost of living adjustment (COLA) is based on a mechanism which government duly follows and which government has decided to top up with an extra Euro per month. If anything, the top up is an admission that the mechanism is not realistic. Isn’t it then about time that Government and social partners revise the measurement of COLA through a mutually agreed method? 

Second. Does the budget provide peace of mind for people’s quality of life? Again, I have my doubts. The country’s environmental challenges do not seem to be a priority for this government, with the area hardly given a mention and with guardians of the environment such as farmers being told that their contribution to the economy is minimal.

Third, are public expenditure and revenue figures beyond scrutiny? I beg to differ. It is positive that Malta has a budgetary surplus but let us keep in mind that capital investment was reduced from 12.1 per cent to 8.5 per cent of expenditure between 2013 and 2017.  Besides, official Eurostat figures show that Expenditure in areas such as environmental protection, social protection, public order and housing decreased between 2012 and 2016. The latter is particularly painful when government had no problem dishing out tens of millions of Euros for dodgy privatisation deals in health and energy.  

This means that Government is investing less in needs which go beyond the immediate present, and which we might have to pay for at a higher cost in future years. And even where capital expenditure is hefty, for example the absorption of EU funds for road projects, one questions whether they are being used adequately in terms of quality, access, safety and encouragement of alternative modes of transport. The question everyone is asking is: will such investment reduce traffic gridlocks, or are we just widening roads to satisfy our immediate appetite whilst not tackling the root causes of increased in traffic? What will happen once we realize that our road widening projects have not solved our traffic problems? Let us also keep in mind that accessible pavements are a basic need of so many pedestrians ranging from elderly persons, persons with disability, children and parents with pushchairs. 

Public revenue also deserves scrutiny. A good chunk of it comes from the sale of passports. It is highly questionable whether this is sustainable and forward looking, especially when Malta is becoming highly dependent on this practice at the expense of sustainable economic diversification. Besides, there is a lack of transparency on how such funds are being used.

Indeed, it seems that Government’s main economic drivers are the sale of passports and the importation of third country national workers to increase economic growth.  The question everyone is asking is whether this is sustainable. Such increase in numbers are contributing to the runaway increases in prices, to social inequalities and to a huge strain on Malta’s infrastructure. In the meantime, Budget 2019 says next to nothing about tomorrow’s social needs in areas such as sustainable pensions.

Can we rest our minds that Malta’s economic model will generate an equitable and sustainable society in the years to come? I have my doubts.

This article appears in The Malta Independent, 29 October 2018.

Ejjew inkunu ġusti - Michael Briguglio

Sa issa f'Malta hemm ħafna kandidati approvati u prospettivi validi għall-elezzjonijiet li ġejjin għall-Parlament Ewropew. Ilkoll għandhom affiljazzjonijiet politiċi, stili personali u prijoritajiet differenti, u dan jgħin biex il-votant għaqli u riflessiv ikollu aktar għażla.

Dan il-pluraliżmu huwa karatteristika bażika tad-demokrazija liberali tal-Punent. Id-djalogu u d-diversità qalb il-kandidati jistgħu jgħinu biex l-immaġinarju politiku jkun aktar varjat u huma alternattiva aħjar minn politika awtoritarja li għandha dimensjoni waħda biss.

Madankollu, naħseb li huwa importanti ħafna li l-parteċipanti elettorali jħarsu parametri ċari msejsin fuq id-deċenza u r-rispett fi ħdan qafas pluralistiku. M'iniex qed nirreferi biss għal regoli dwar ir-riżorsi finanzjarji u l-aċċess għall-mezzi tax-xandir, iżda wkoll għall-komunikazzjoni ta' kuljum qabel l-elezzjonijiet.

B'rabta ma' din, nappella lill-kandidati sħabi, il-partiti, il-ġurnalisti u l-attivisti kollha biex jimpenjaw rwieħhom għal kampanja deċenti. L-aħħar elezzjoni ġenerali ta' Malta kienet ikkaratterizzata minn sħaba sewda ta' antagoniżmu li konna ilna ma naraw bħalha għal xi żmien, u forsi jeħtieġ li nikkalmaw u nersqu lejn qafas ta' agoniżmu: fejn naraw 'il xulxin bħala avversarji, mhux għedewwa, u fejn nirrispettaw ir-regoli bażiċi tad-dibattitu demokratiku.

Tabilħaqq, li naqsmu u niddiskutu opinjonijiet differenti hija xi ħaġa tajba, u jien nippreferi din id-diskussjoni minn komunikazzjoni ta' tgħawwiġ li tikkonċentra aktar fuq li tkisser lill-messaġġier milli l-messaġġ.

B'xorti ħażina, il-mezzi soċjali huma mimlijin eżempji ta' attakki fuq persuni u mhux fuq dak li jgħidu, u hawnhekk insibu għadd imdaqqas ta' trolls anonimi. Xi wħud jeċċellaw f'lingwaġġ ta' tkasbir fit-taqsimiet tal-kummenti u oħrajn joħolqu paġni anonimi fuq Facebook imsejsa fuq l-assassinju tal-karattru jew it-tixrid ta' diskors ta' mibegħda - għalkemm sikwit ikun faċli li wieħed jintebaħ min ikunu n-nies wara dawn il-paġni.

Xi ġellieda fuq l-internet anqas biss jagħmlu sforz biex jinħbew wara l-anonimità jew profili foloz. Dan kollu jwaqqa' l-libertà tal-kelma tant għażiża għalina u juri n-nuqqas ta' responsabbiltà f'kuntest fejn ma hemmx limiti.

Nemmen li l-libertà tal-kelma tbati jekk ma tintużax b'responsabbiltà: dan ma jfissirx biss li noqogħdu attenti għal-lingwaġġ li nużaw, iżda wkoll li jkollna sens ta' proporzjon. Ilkoll għandna kwalitajiet differenti, iżda għandu jkun ovvju li mhux kulħadd espert f'kollox. Għandna nagħrfu wkoll id-differenza bejn politika msejsa fuq l-evidenza u żvogi fuq il-mezzi soċjali wara jum iebes.

Djalogu b'saħħtu fl-elezzjonijiet Ewropej li ġejjin għandu jfisser ukoll li nisimgħu l-fehma ta' xulxin. Din mhux biss referenza għall-importanza li aħna l-kandidati nisimgħu lill-avversarji tagħna, iżda wkoll li nisimgħu t-tħassib tal-elettorat, li nkunu saqajna mal-art u nevitaw kemm jista' jkun li ningħalqu f'torrijiet tal-avorju.

Nemmen ukoll li jekk infittxu dak li naqblu dwaru u nippruvaw nilħqu kompromessi, inkunu qed nuru saħħa u mhux dgħufija, speċjalment minħabba l-isfidi kumplessi b'tant aspetti li qed inħabbtu wiċċna magħhom illum il-ġurnata. Xi kultant ikollna aktar mistoqsijiet milli tweġibiet, kultant jista' jkun li ma nkunux qed insaqsu l-mistoqsijiet it-tajbin, u xi drabi jkollna t-tentazzjoni li ma naqblux bejnietna minħabba l-konvenjenza politika, u mhux għax nemmnu li dan ikun is-sewwa.

Bħala kandidat għall-elezzjonijiet Ewropej inwiegħed li l-kampanja tiegħi tkun mibnija fuq djalogu b'rispett, politika msejsa fuq l-evidenza u l-politika tan-nies. Inwiegħed li niġġieled id-diskors ta' mibegħda, il-lingwaġġ patronizzanti u s-sensazzjonaliżmu vulgari billi nistinka biex inkun aħjar minn hekk. Ejjew nirrispettaw l-intelliġenza tan-nies permezz ta' politika deċenti.

Dan l-artiklu deher fil-Mument, 28 ta' Ottubru 2018.

Ftit ħsibijiet dwar il-Baġit – Michael Briguglio

Il-Baġit għall-2019 għandu għadd ta' inizjattivi pożittivi. Il-Gvern ma għandux bżonni biex jippromovihom.

Bħala membru tal-oppożizzjoni r-rwol tiegħi hu li nenfasizza n-nuqqasijiet tal-baġit li huma importanti wisq biex jiġu injorati.

L-ewwel nett: l-inizjattivi soċjali pożittivi li semmejt hawn fuq jikkumpensaw għaż-żidiet rapidi fl-għoli tal-ħajja? Ma naħsibx li jagħmlu dan, meta wieħed iqis iż-żidiet fil-prezzijiet tal-ikel, il-fjuwil, il-kera, il-kontijiet tad-dawl u l-ilma u bosta prodotti u servizzi oħrajn.

Tabilħaqq, Malta bħalissa għaddejja minn sitwazzjoni fejn l-anzjani qed ikollhom jagħmlu sagrifiċċji żejda biex ilaħħqu maż-żidiet fl-għoli tal-ħajja u fejn għadd dejjem jiżdied ta' żgħażagħ ma jistgħux isibu l-mezzi meħtieġa biex jissellfu mingħand bank għax-xiri ta' dar jew biex ikunu jistgħu jlaħħqu mal-kera.

Tassew li l-aġġustament għall-għoli tal-ħajja (COLA) hu msejjes fuq mekkaniżmu li l-gvern jimxi miegħu kif xieraq u li l-gvern iddeċieda li jżid euro ieħor miegħu kull xahar. Jekk xejn, biż-żieda mal-COLA l-gvern qed jammetti li l-mekkaniżmu mhuwiex realistiku. Allura ma wasalx iż-żmien li l-gvern u l-imsieħba soċjali jirrevedu l-kejl tal-COLA permezz ta' metodu miftiehem b'mod reċiproku?

It-tieni nett: il-baġit iserraħ moħħ in-nies dwar il-kwalità tal-ħajja tagħhom? Għal darb'oħra, għandi dubji dwar dan. Jidher li l-isfidi ambjentali tal-pajjiż mhumiex prijorità għal dan il-gvern, li bilkemm semma dan il-qasam kruċjali fil-baġit u li qal lil gwardjani tal-ambjent bħall-bdiewa li l-kontribut tagħhom għall-ekonomija huwa minimu.

It-tielet nett: iċ-ċifri tan-nefqa u d-dħul pubbliċi ma għandux isir skrutinju tagħhom? Ma naqbilx. Huwa tajjeb li Malta għandha surplus baġitarju iżda ejjew niftakru li l-investiment kapitali tnaqqas minn 12.1 fil-mija għal 8.5 fil-mija tan-nefqa bejn l-2013 u l-2017. Barra minn hekk, iċ-ċifri uffiċjali tal-Eurostat juru li n-nefqa f'oqsma bħall-ħarsien ambjentali, il-ħarsien soċjali, l-ordni pubbliku u d-djar naqset bejn l-2012 u l-2016.

Dan ifisser li l-gvern qed jinvesti inqas fil-ħtiġijiet li jmorru lil hinn mill-preżent immedjat, u li jista' jkun li jkollna nħallsu prezz ogħla għalihom fil-ġejjieni. U anke fejn in-nefqa kapitali hija kbira, pereżempju l-użu tal-fondi tal-UE għal proġetti ta' toroq, ta' min nistaqsu jekk humiex qed jintużaw kif suppost f'termini ta' kwalità, aċċess, sikurezza u inkoraġġiment ta' mezzi alternattivi ta' trasport.

Il-mistoqsija li kulħadd qed jistaqsi hija: dan l-investiment ser inaqqas sitwazzjonijiet ta' paraliżi tat-traffiku, jew qiegħdin inwessgħu t-toroq għas-sodisfazzjon immedjata tagħna mingħajr ma nindirizzaw l-għeruq taż-żidiet fit-traffiku? X'ser jiġri ladarba nintebħu li l-proġetti ta' twessigħ ta' toroq ma solvewx il-problemi ta' traffiku tagħna? Ejjew inżommu f'moħħna wkoll li bankini aċċessibbli huma bżonn bażiku tal-persuni li jkunu mexjin fit-toroq, speċjalment persuni anzjani, persuni b'diżabilità, tfal, u ġenituri b'pushchairs.

Id-dħul pubbliku wkoll ħaqqu skrutinju. Biċċa kbira minnu jiġi mill-bejgħ tal-passaporti. Huwa ferm dubjuż jekk dan huwiex sostenibbli u jekk għandux sens għall-ġejjieni, speċjalment meta nqisu li Malta qed issir dipendenti ħafna minn din il-prattika bi ħsara għad-diversifikazzjoni ekonomika sostenibbli. Barra minn hekk, hemm nuqqas ta' trasparenza dwar kif qed jintużaw il-fondi li ġejjin minn dan il-bejgħ.

Tabilħaqq, jidher li l-muturi ekonomiċi ewlenin tal-gvern huma l-bejgħ tal-passaporti u l-importazzjoni ta' ħaddiema minn pajjiżi terzi biex iżidu t-tkabbir ekonomiku. Il-mistoqsija li kulħadd qed jaħseb dwarha hi jekk dan it-tip ta' tkabbir huwiex sostenibbli. Dawn iż-żidiet fin-numri qed iwasslu għaż-żidiet kbar fil-prezzijiet li semmejt qabel, għal nuqqas ta' ugwaljanza soċjali u għal pressjoni kbira fuq l-infrastruttura ta' Malta. Sadanittant il-Baġit għall-2019 ma jgħid kważi xejn dwar il-ħtiġijiet soċjali ta' għada bħall-pensjonijiet sostenibbli.  

Dawn huma kummenti li tajt lill-gazzetta It-Torċa

Gozo in the budget? Michael Briguglio

Gozo has recently been in the news for the wrong reasons: the privatisation of a public hospital and resultant deficiencies in services offered; Gozo channel workers on strike; lack of national and EU funds for road projects; certain development projects that can ruin the island’s unique beauty; and students who are facing prohibitive rent costs in Malta. The list goes on.

One hopes that tonight’s budget will give due importance to Gozo and recognise its characteristics as a small island within a small island state: an island off another island that suffers from double insularity.

From an economic perspective this can result in disadvantages such as the expensive transportation of industrial supplies, thus impinging on the competitivity of manufacturing. It also means that around 7,000 Gozitans currently work in Malta, with around 3,000 of these being employed in the private sector: a minority within a minority, as one recently put it.

On the other hand, Gozo should compete well in services such as tourism and financial services. The former is characterised by the success of the private sector, but the latter needs more incentives by the government to take off.

Gozo can also have its own version of Malta Enterprise with the intention to attract foreign direct investment in areas which can be produced on a smaller scale, including the same financial services and other sectors where IT connectivity is of paramount importance. For this reason, government investment in the latter can help attract companies which do need to constantly import industrial supplies for their operations.

The government can also develop the idea of moving certain public service operations to Gozo. This already exists in some areas and can be developed further to help keep Gozitan workers on their island, should they wish to do so. Besides, through evidence-based policy making, the government can identify problems, risks, opportunities and strategic niches which can be dealt with.

This would involve various social-scientific methodologies and impact assessments and thorough consultation with stakeholders such as residents, workers, students, experts and entrepreneurs.

More can also be done so that Gozo gets a better deal out of Malta’s EU membership. The proposal to have it recognised as an EU region that qualifies for suitable regional funds should be endorsed by all political players. This will enable the island to have a better status within EU policy frameworks. The expert input of key professionals is vital for such a proposal to be taken seriously at EU level.

Let us keep in mind that Gozo currently faces difficulties in accessing and absorbing EU funding, even since current programmatic requirements do not seem to be tailored for the needs of such islands within small islands. 

From a political perspective, institutional allies should be sought so that Gozo can have better access to EU funds.

The European Committee of the Regions is one of them. Last year it endorsed a request of the Maltese EU presidency and adopted an opinion regarding islands’ economic, social and territorial development. It called for an island clause in EU cohesion policies for the 2020-27 period, given that 362 islands within the bloc “face permanent structural difficulties specific to them which entail additional costs for their businesses and which affect their development prospects”.

It is important that such requests are put to life and acted upon so that Gozo gets the respect it deserves within the European community. Again, alliance-building within the EU is important especially since the 362 EU islands with over 50 inhabitants each represent almost 18 million people. Their per capita gross domestic product amounts to around 79 per cent of the EU average in 2010, and many islands remain in the less developed region category.

Article 174 of the European treaty states that island regions warrant attention from the EU, which must aim to reduce disparities between the levels of development of the various regions within and between member states. Malta should lobby harder for the implementation of this article and set an example through tangible initiatives for Gozo during tonight’s budget.

Malta should also decentralise and devolve more powers to Gozo so that its own policymakers and civil society will have a greater say in decision making. Empowerment in practice.

This article appears in Times of Malta print edition, 22nd October 2018.