The Malta Sociology Conference 2024

The #MaltaSociologyConference will comprise 12 academic research presentations on Changing Spaces; Culture and Consumption; and Policy and Practice, followed by an open discussion.

A presentation about the new journal of the Sociology Department at the University of Malta - SociologyMT  - will also take place.

The conference is open to the general public. More details, including registration, from here

During the conference, Karl Agius and I will be presenting our research entitled 'Tourism and Urban Development: The case of a coastal village in a small island state". 

New Publication: Twenty years of Malta’s EU membership : the impact on Maltese environmental NGOs

 Briguglio, Michael (2024). Twenty years of Malta’s EU membership : the impact on Maltese environmental NGOs. 20 Years of EU Membership Paper Series, 3-16. 

In this study, I analyse the impact of EU accession on Maltese Environmental Non-Governmental Organisations (ENGOs), twenty years after Malta, the smallest EU-member state, joined the Union in 2004. In the run-up to EU accession, the environment was often seen as an area which would benefit from Malta’s EU membership, especially since Malta had a lack of environmental legislation and enforcement. Not surprisingly, Environmental NGOs (ENGOs) supported Malta’s EU accession. ENGOs are major protagonists in environmental politics in Malta. Their activism covers different areas, though some issues - most notably land development, and hunting of birds - are more visible and contentious in the public sphere. Environmental protest is also one of the most common types of protest in Malta.

I investigate the impacts of Malta’s European Union (EU) accession on Environmental NGOs (ENGOs) through a sociological perspective, following two decades of Malta’s accession. For this purpose, the activism of ENGOs in relation to Malta’s EU accession was analysed, through political process theory and a social constructionist approach which engaged with the interpretations of the same ENGOs on the issue under analysis. For this purpose, primary data was collected through elite interviews with representatives from Malta’s major ENGOs. The main research question of this study is “how do ENGOs interpret the impacts of the EU, 20 years after Malta’s accession?” 

The study is a follow-up of a similar study I had published following ten years of Malta’s EU membership. It forms part of the '20 Years of EU membership' paper series published by the Institute for European Studies, University of Malta. 

Download: https://www.um.edu.mt/media/um/docs/events/20yearseumembers/MichaelBriguglio.pdf

Op-ed: The Xebbajtuna Protest - Michael Briguglio

In today's Malta Independent I give a sociological interpretation to last Saturday's national environmental protest. 

Link:

https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2023-06-01/blogs-opinions/The-Xebbajtuna-Protest-6736252316

Photo: The Malta Independent

Op-ed: A country of developers? Michael Briguglio

In today's Malta Independent I engage with class and demographic dynamics of Malta's property market, in relation to a recent press release by the Malta Developers Association.

Link:

https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2023-04-06/blogs-opinions/A-country-of-developers-6736250910

Picture: The Malta Independent

Op-ed: Treadmill of land development - Michael Briguglio

In my article in today's Malta Independent, I discuss what I believe is one of Malta's most glaring social contradictions, the treadmill of land development.

Link:

https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2022-09-08/blogs-opinions/Treadmill-of-land-development-6736245729

Op-ed: Backstage and Frontstage Environmentalism - Michael Briguglio

In today's Malta Independent I discuss two dimensions of environmentalism in Malta.

Link:

https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2022-06-23/blogs-opinions/Backstage-and-frontstage-environmentalism-6736243918

Photo: The Malta Independent

Op-ed: My Octopus Teacher - Michael Briguglio

In my fortnightly column in the Malta Independent, I give my interpretation of the documentary film 'My Octopus Teacher'.

Link:

https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2022-06-09/blogs-opinions/My-Octopus-Teacher-6736243583

ENGOs and land rationalisation in Malta

 The Maltese press reports that Environmental NGOs have lost a 14-year legal battle over the 2006 building zones extension, referred to by the Government of the time as 'rationalization' of land.

I published the following peer-reviewed article in 2012 about this matter, in the International Journal of Green Economics: 

Briguglio, Michael (2012). ‘ENGOs, EU accession and empowerment: the case of land rationalisation in Malta’, International Journal of Green Economics, 6: 3, 279-297

This paper analyses whether EU Accession has helped empower Maltese ENGOs, with specific reference to the land rationalisation issue between 2006 and 2010. This issue was characterised by the Maltese Government’s decision to extend development boundaries prior to the 2008 general elections. Malta’s environmental movement opposed this decision and lobbied at national and European levels. Even though the rationalisation issue became one of the most prominent environmental issues at the time, the environmental movement ultimately failed to change Government’s decision. This paper argues that, with respect to development of land, EU accession alone is not sufficient to empower ENGOs, as this process is mediated with other overdetermining factors.

Links:

OAR@UM: ENGOs, EU accession and empowerment : the case of land rationalisation in Malta

ENGOs, EU accession and empowerment: the case of land rationalisation in Malta | Request PDF (researchgate.net)

(99) ENGOs, EU accession and empowerment: the case of land rationalisation in Malta | Michael Briguglio - Academia.edu

ENGOs, EU accession and empowerment: the case of land rationalisation in Malta: International Journal of Green Economics: Vol 6, No 3 (inderscienceonline.com)

View article (google.com)

Tumas, Big Business and Politics - Michael Briguglio

Back in 1998 my BA (Hons) dissertation in Sociology - ‘State/Power: Hiltonopoly’ - analysed the relations of power in the Portomaso development project. 

My research concluded that a symbiotic relationship exists between the State and big developers.

In this regard, developers provide economic growth and other incentives. The State provides policy and operational support. 

I argued that the relationship is fed by an ideological commitment to such development through the exploitation of land. The Planning Authority is the State’s major representative in this regard. 

21 years later, the dissertation can help understand the networks of power still active today. Further analysis can unearth direct material gains by actors involved in such networks, also including other economic sectors. 
Who said social class is dead?

You can download the dissertation here: https://www.academia.edu/2120916/State_Power_Hiltonopoly

My full list of academic publications: 

https://mikes-beat.blogspot.com/2019/10/my-sociological-publications.html

Environmentalism, LGBTIQ and social class - Michael Briguglio

In this article for the Malta Independent I verify whether the environmental movement has anything to learn from the successes of the LGBTIQ movement. Read here: 

https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2019-09-19/blogs-opinions/Environmentalism-LGBTIQ-and-social-class-6736213673

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Towards a materialism of the environment in Malta - Michael Briguglio

The social media is very valuable in mediating selections of reality: we are prosumers, and some are effectice influencers. At the same time I note that this often results in lack of holistic, deep and investigative engagement with reality: e.g. through facebook-driven journalism which replicates the chorus. In reality however , areas such as the environment go beyond what we post in facebook, important as this is. As a sociologist I must note that environmental challenges such as groundwater salinity, the political economy of development, determinants of air pollution, socio-cultural dynamics, consumer-citizen human behaviour, macro-systematic factors, micro-ethnographic experience, geo-physical factors, technology, dominant discourses, dynamics of power, agency of nature etc go beyond snackable media and require thorough research and evidence. Thus, very often we have photocopies of hot pop rather than an archaeaology of knowledge. The irony is that Malta is rich with the latter, courtesy of scholars who quietly produce a wealth of knowledge. 

Which takes me to the social construction of the environment - and the vitality of discourse in a post truth society. Even if the agency of the real (eg climate change) cannot be superseded by rhetoric or lack of it, it can be sensitized through discourse , possibly resulting in substantive policy making. Here again, policy making is not just about textbook exercises or ideological sloganeering. For example it can have unintended consequences in a risk/opportunity society with natural limits. 

Hence the need for syntheses of (critical) realism with effective social construction. 

For example in the world of academia some are trying to do this through the New Materialism: Bruno Latour is one celebrated example. Same for other scholarly perspectives. 

I think that constructionist icons like Judith Butler and postmodern politicians/communicators of different stripes and colours like Muscat, Trump, Cami, Xarabank, Lovin Malta and Nas Daily show the importance of popular fluid social construction: effectively sensitizing their audiences and beyond in a post-truth society. 

But beyond communication - important as it is - there is the real, even if hiding in a closed drawer and not sensitized by effective influencers: the physical world, scientific discovery, nature etc. Gravity and death will exist even if we don't take selfies with them.

In my view, both constructionist and realist poles need each other. And I believe that Malta needs sensible minds to work with each other on policy issues: Fora where evidence, discussion, networks, agency, transformation are prioritized, beyond bubbles and ideational ghettoes and beyond flat social investigation. This is the approach I adopt as a sociologist and I invite anyone with a similar outlook to get in touch. 

Publication of paper on civil society perspectives on green jobs in sustainable energy: The case of European Malta

My co-authored research article with Maria Brown 'Civil society perspectives on green jobs in sustainable energy: The case of European Malta ' has been published in peer-reviewed journal Energy & Environment (SAGE). 

The objective of this paper is to analyse the perspectives of civil society actors in Malta about the country’s sustainable energy policy and its impact on green jobs. Perspectives of 11 civil society actors comprising employers, trade unions and non-governmental organisations are analysed to provide a broad reflexive analysis of the policy process in question. Findings illuminate a broad consensus within civil society that the policymaking process in the field of sustainable energy should incorporate different voices from civil society – such as employers, trade unions and environmental non-governmental organisations – apart from experts in energy, economics and other areas. Indeed, this study’s findings include civil society’s reviews on how commercial viability, workers’ rights, environmental protection and sustainability interact with and within the sustainable energy sector and related green jobs. Nonetheless, this study signals that within Maltese civil society, sharing of knowledge and good practice and effort coordination lack. Different interests and sectarianism testify to inconsistently interacting and competing human local networks. This broadens the discourse on effective sustainable energy policy and creation of related green jobs, also making it more complex. Indeed, the direction of such discourse bears potential for sporadic development. Whilst challenging vertical trajectories, institutionally centred and technical transitions in the area of environmental sustainability, the primary data gained from this study highlight need for policy to address the identified challenges through projects, funding and incentives that foster coordination between different types of civil society organisations.

Link: https://doi.org/10.1177/0958305X18813685

Ekonomija dipendenti fuq il-permessi - Michael Briguglio

Kif tahdem il-politika ta’ l-izvilupp f’Malta? Nistghu nghidu li hemm relazzjoni ta’ dipendenza bejn il-gvern u l-izvilupputari kbar.

L-izviluppaturi jipprovdu tkabbir ekonomiku u incentivi ohra. Il-Gvern jappoggja l-izvilupp permess ta’ permessi, infrastruttura, legizlazzjoni u fatturi ohra. Din ir-relazzjoni hi prodott ta’ rabta ideologika ma’ zvilupp permess ta’ sfruttar ta’ l-art.

L-Awtorita’ ta’ l-Ippjanar hi rapprezentanta important tal-Gvern f’dan ir-rigward. Izda tajjeb ninnutaw li mhux qed nitkellmu dwar istituzzjoni monolitika li dejjem tiddeciedi bl-istess mod. Minflok, ninnutaw li d-decizzjonijiet huma ta’ sikwiet influenzati minn antagonizmi bejn interessi differenti, fejn certi ilhna huma iktar b’sahhithom minn ohra.

Hemm bosta ezempji li juru li l-moviment ambjentalista fis-socjeta’ civili kellu impatti sostanzjali u rnexxielu jwaqqaf jew inaqqas certu zvilupp. Ezempji ricenti jinkludu ir-rebha kontra zvilupp massiv f’wied ghomor u t-tnaqqis ta’ l-art ODZ li ser tittiehed fiz-Zonqor. Nittamaw li din ta’ l-ahhar titnaqqas ghal kollox u b’hekk ghandna nibqghu vigilanti u attivi biex insalvaw iz-Zonqor.

Meta l-moviment ambjentalista jkollu l-appogg ta’ partit politiku kbir jew ta’ elementi fi  hdanu, dan generalment jaghti spinta kbira lejn rizultat konkret.

Izda tajjeb naraw ukoll kif il-politika tal-gvern Laburista qed tipprova tintensifika l-izvilupp billi tesseduci lil kulhadd sabiex isir zviluppatur.

Qed nesperjenzaw intensifikazzjoni tar-relazzjoni bejn il-gvern u zviluppaturi kbar, u l-ezempji ricenti ta’ Townsquare f’Tas-Sliema u l-ITS f’San Giljan u Pembroke juruna x’ghandna nistennew f’postijiet ohra fis-snin li gejjin.

Izda l-Gvern Laburista qed jipprova jbiegh holma lill-pubbliku kollu permezz ta’ weghdi elettorali, politika dghajfa li tipperemetti zvilupp kbir jew zghir u li qed iwassal ghal kostruzzjoni bla razan kemm urban kif ukoll rurali.

Il-bejgh tal-passaporti u l-importazzjoni ta’ haddiema barranin qed jipprovdu suq ghal dawn il-propjetajiet, u hekk kif il-prezzjiet tal-kirjiet u tal-bejgh qed ikunu wisq gholjin ghal persuni li ghandhom dhul baxx.

Il-politika ta’ sorveljanza permezz ta’ micro-management tal-Gvern Laburista taghti l-permessi lil min joffri lealta politika u tkun iebsa ma' min hu meqjus avversarju politiku anke jekk kollox ikun skond ir-regoli.

Izda kemm hu sostenibbli dan il-mudell ekonomiku fuq medda itwal ta’ zmien? Hemm argumenti varji li wiehed ghandu jqis. Dawn jinkludu l-pressjoni politika tal-moviment ambjentalista fis-socjeta’ civili u l-alleati tieghu, l-impatti ambjentali u fuq it-traffiku, u t-tnaqqis fid-domanda jekk jonqsu l-barranin li qed jigu jghuxi Mata.

Sa dan it-tant l-impatt kumulattiv fuq il-bliet, l-irhula u l-pajsagg rurali qed jikber, u pajjizna qed isir wisq dipendenti fuq qasam ekonomiku wiehed. Jekk u meta dan jibda’ jmajna, l-impatt ekonomiku jaf ikollu riperkussjonijiet iebsa ferm.

Ghalhekk, f’pajjizna illum ir-relazzjoni bejn zviluppaturi u l-Gvern intensifikat favur zvilulpp iperattiv. Iktar ma jkun hemm koalizzjonijiet wiesgha kontra dan, ahjar. Tajjeb ukoll li nharsu lejn ekonomija sostenibbli u diversifikata, u mhux fuq ekonomija li hu wisq dipendenti fuq settur wiehed.

Dan l-artiklu deher fil-Mument, 15-4-18

Sociology of planning policy - Michael Briguglio

Times of Malta, 9 April 2018

Back in 1998, my Bachelor’s dissertation in sociology analysed the development of Portomaso. My research concluded that a symbiotic relationship exists between the State and big developers.

In this regard, developers provide economic growth and other incentives. The State provides policy and operational support. I argued that the relationship is fed by an ideological commitment to such development through the exploitation of land. The Planning Authority is the State’s major representative in this regard.

Since then, Malta has witnessed endless examples of the relationship between the State and big developers. At the same time, however, it has also been shown that the State is not merely a monolithic structure that always decides the same way. It is more of a condensation of conflicts which take place, albeit characterised by some interests and ideological orientations which are stronger than others.

Indeed, there were examples where the environmental movement had substantive impacts and managed to stop or reduce certain development. Subsequent sociological studies by myself, including my doctoral dissertation in 2013, and others such as Patrick Galea, Jeremy Boissevain and Caroline Gatt analysed various case studies in this regard.

To mention a few successful campaigns, these include the failed proposals for a golf course in Rabat, a cement plant in Siġġiewi and a car park and shopping complex in Qui-si-sana, Sliema. More recently, the development of an old people’s home in Wied Għomor was defeated and the planned ODZ footprint of the so-called American University of Malta was reduced.

The support of any of the two major political parties – or elements within them – to the environmental movement usually aid the chances of victory.

Therefore, even though the Planning Authority under successive governments has tended to favour big developers, one cannot simply conclude that this is a one-way process. The environment is political, and different outcomes can result.

In this article I want to take the argument further. I believe that under the current Labour government, the relationship between the State and big developers has intensified and is being accompanied by a style of governance that seduces everyone to become a developer himself.

I don’t think readers of this article need much convincing about the intensification of the State’s relationship with big developers. Townsquare and ITS are but two recent examples of the Labour government’s favouring of mega projects, and more are yet to come.

What is more fascinating is how Labour is selling a Maltese dream to the public. Its lax development policies and its rubberstamping of various proposals, big and small, are major contributors to Malta’s current economic growth, whether through the development of high-rises or the odd extra storey to one’s house.

The selling of passports and the importation of foreign workers provide markets for such properties, the prices of which are becoming prohibitive for lower-income earners. Labour’s micro-political surveillance techniques demand voter loyalty, and those who are deemed to be political opponents are given a hard time by the Planning Authority.

It is doubtful whether such an economic model can keep sustaining itself over a long period for various reasons. These include political pressure by the environmental movement and its allies, environmental and traffic impacts, and drop in demand should the influx of foreign workers subside.  Yet, as Sandro Chetcuti once said, “make hay while the sun shines”, and the expanding class of big and small developers is obliging.

Labour’s economic model is also likely to be sustained by pre-electoral promises and commitments for development. Whether these are characterised by corrupt deals is difficult to prove, but the impacts on the environment are the same.

Again, one can refer to mega projects but also to smaller ones which are slowly but surely resulting in cumulative impacts on Malta’s urban and rural landscapes.

We can therefore conclude that now there is a relationship between the State and developers, big and small for hyper development. This requires stronger opposition than ever before, and the wider the coalitions the better.

Publication of paper on Environmental NGO impacts on Climate Change Policy

My latest paper, ENGO Impacts on Climate Change Policy in European Malta, has been published in the peer-reviewed journal Sociology and Anthropology. 

This article analyzes the impacts of ENGOs with respect to Maltese climate change policy in an EU context. In particular, focus is made on the politics of climate change in Malta and the EU in the first five years following the country’s EU accession, which led to the setting of energy emissions targets by 2020. The main conclusion of this article is that ENGOs formed part of an EU-wide hegemonic formation on climate change, wherein a common position with binding emissions targets was reached. The common position was signified around the discourse of ecological modernization. EU multi-level governance provided an opportunity for ENGOs to put forward discourses for climate-change adaptation.

The paper may be downloaded  here. It is also available at Research Gate, Academia and the Open Access Repository, University of Malta. 

Post-Townsquare Reflections

Malta Today 5 August 2016

Yesterday was a sad day for my hometown Sliema: The Townsquare 38-storey highrise project was approved by the Planning Authority.  

It was a close call, as 6 board members (out of 13 who were present) voted against. And this included PA Chairman Vince Cassar, who I know as a  man of integrity. Victor Axiak, the representative of the Environment and Resources Authority was absent due to illness.  The Nationalist Party representative Ryan Callus also voted against, unlike Labour's representative Joe Sammut. 

Again, I know Callus to be an upright and honest politician, and from what I saw and sensed, he showed alot of courage in voting the way he did. 

The Sliema Local Council - of which I am a member on behalf of the Greens - objected to this proposal, through its PN-led majority, and notwithstanding the total silence from Labour councillors. Needless to say, environmental NGOs, AD and the newly-formed PD were also objecting to this proposal.

But environmental campaigns are never simply characterized by the final PA meeting. And neither are they simply decided on the grounds of lack or insufficient analysis, though Townsquare had a surplus of this.

Empirical sociological, anthropological and political research and analyses on environmental campaigns in Malta show that there are a plurality of factors which have an effect on environmental outcomes. 

These include lobbying, mobilization through protest and media sensitization, official and unofficial meetings, and political/social movement alliances. When alliances involve ENGOs, local councils and at least 2 political parties (big+big or big+small), these are usually more predisposed to have an impact. Impacts can vary from victories (e.g. Front Kontra l-Golf Kors; Munxar, Cement Plant; Wied Ghomor and many others in between) to huge mobilization and partial impacts (e.g. Save Zonqor). When both major parties do not support a campaign, it becomes very difficult to obtain victory (the referendum on hunting being a case in point).

In the case of Townsquare, what struck me most was the PN strategy, which worked in the hands of the Gasan developers and the Labour Government. 

Indeed, the PN leadership was conspicuous by its silence on this issue - and here we are speaking of Tigne', a PN stronghold  in blue Sliema.  Whether the silence was intentional or cynical is something that can never be proven.

If it really paid heed to Sliema residents above developers' proposals, and if it really wanted the project to be defeated, the PN leadership could and should have mobilized its supporters in the run up to the PA meeting, in support of the local council and emvironmentalists. But it did not. 

My hunch is that Simon Busuttil will try to bank on residents' anger during excavation and construction. If this is the case, we will have a clear case of poor judgement, cynical politics, and of speaking too late in the day. 

Townsquare and Mriehel are just the beginning in a series of highrise developments in Malta. And this takes us to the political economy of the environment. As Portomaso had shown us back in 1998, and as has been confirmed so many times since then, a symbiotic relationship exists between the state and big developers.

Developers provide economic growth and other incentives; The State provides policy and operational support. This is done at the expense of the environment and people's quality of life. 


Who said the environment is not political? 

Picture: Pre-Townsquare Sliema

Edward Scicluna's Warning

Times of Malta, 13 June 2016

“Economic booms contain the seeds of their own destruction... None of Malta’s economic sectors should be allowed to overheat and reach overcapacity... Malta’s healthy growth needs to be managed to stop it developing into an unsustainable boom.”

These words were pronounced by Edward Scicluna, Malta’s Finance Minister, during a recent Finance Malta conference as reported by the Times of Malta.

Scicluna, an economist, warned against the “supermarket” mentality in the construction industry, whereby developers try to compete with large-scale projects irrespective of the demand.

Coming from the Minister of Finance, this statement has certain weight. It can be interpreted that within Labour’s Cabinet there are those who do not simply subscribe to an oligarchy which seems to be more interested in defending its short-term interests over the common good.

It also shows that one of the best performers of the current government is giving importance to sustainability.

Scicluna is not the first to put forward such views. In recent decades, these views were also pronounced by different voices within academia, civil society and politics.

It seems that Malta’s economic growth is a coin with two sides. On the one hand, this provides jobs and relative stability. On the other side, there is growing social inequality and environmental precariousness.

The latter could have a direct impact on the former if short-term economic considerations are treated like unquestionable dogma. Spain can teach us something about this.

Some relate such considerations to the ‘tragedy of the commons’, a concept proposed by Garret Hardin some decades ago, wherein short-term interests of free-riders could bring ruin to all.

Maltese land is seen by the construction industry as a resource to exploit, and little consideration is given to holistic, cumulative and long-term impacts

One can also go back to the texts of Nicos Poulantzas, who once wrote about the economic state apparatus and the way it functions. Were the Greek sociologist alive today, he would have plenty to write about if he considered Malta as a case study.

Indeed, Maltese governments have depended too much on the construction industry and vice-versa. One provided jobs and economic growth, and the other provides the necessary infrastructure, incentives and policies to facilitate matters. Often, the State also provides land at dirt-cheap prices for developers so that they can go on with the construction frenzy.

Hence Maltese land is seen by the construction industry as a resource to exploit, and little consideration is given to holistic, cumulative and long-term impacts of this. Corporate social responsibility and community investment remain buzzwords fit for propaganda but rarely seen in everyday life.

Take Manoel Island. The land was practically given to developers at a pittance and they simply stopped developing when they no longer saw it profitable to do so. In the meantime, much of the island is a rundown mess, with dirt and litter accumulating in various places, while other places are declared out of bounds for the public.

Take The Point. The pedestrianised square is now facing a huge building which has practically blocked the sea view for visitors. As long as an extra buck is made, the commons comes second.

Take Fort Cambridge. The same developers who want to develop a 40-storey skyscraper in violation of the original development brief, have left parts of the surrounding area looking like a shanty-town, with wires, bricks and other eyesores all over the place.

In the meantime, an environment planning study on development in the area warns that residents could be elbowed out of Tignè and Qui-si-sana.

I can go on with other similar examples around Malta. It is difficult to predict if and when this economic bubble will burst. Yet, in the meantime, the general public is bearing the brunt of overdevelopment, loss of public space, construction nuisance and traffic problems.

The public is also subsidising such big developers. Arthur Gauci, CEO of Seabank, could not have put it better, when he told the Times of Malta the following words regarding the proposed development on public land at St George’s Bay:

“If we were to pay commercial rates for the land, a hotel on its own would never be viable. The numbers just don’t add up.”

The Zonqor Conflict features in the 2015 Social Conflict Yearbook

My article 'The Zonqor Conflict in Malta' features in the 2015 Social Conflict Yearbook, published by the Observatory of Social Conflict at the University of Barcelona.

This article deals with the conflict on the ‘American University of Malta’. This was characterised by the creation of a new environmental movement, Malta’s biggest ever environmental protest, and by revisions by the Government in its original development plans. Consequently, the conflict had a variety of impacts.

The article, which is in English, can be downloaded from this link (also includes a summary in Spanish): http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/ACS/article/view/16007

Reference: Briguglio, M. (2016). The Zonqor Conflict in Malta, in M. Trinidad Bretones, C. Andrés Charry, J. Pastor, J. Quesada (Eds). ‘2015:  Social Conflict Yearbook, pp. 210-219. Observatori del Conflicto Social: Universitat de Barcelona.

Will COP21 reach agreement?

Times of Malta 7/12/15
http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20151207/opinion/Will-COP21-reach-agreement.594889

Now that the Paris climate summit is in full swing, the million-dollar question is whether a global agreement will be reached. Will all United Nations member states commit themselves to a binding agreement which can help safeguard present and future generations from the projected negative impacts of climate change?

The COP21 summit is in itself a complex web of ideologies, interests, organisational set-ups and civil society interaction. When a similar summit was held in Copenhagen six years ago, it transpired that lack of political will and poor organisation ultimately resulted in non-binding rhetoric, to the disappointment of many who had high hopes.

As was the case in Copenhagen, different ideologies are characterising COP21. They are not dogmatic monoliths, but rather entangled in a plurality of discourses within the climate policy sphere. In this context, some believe that technology can provide the most practical solutions, while others believe in markets.

Others emphasise that sustainability should reconcile economic, social and environmental factors through win-win policies. Some believe in stronger state regulation, others prioritise political ecology.

COP21 is also characterised by a plurality of interests. Some big business interests, particularly of fossil fuel producers, do their utmost to minimise the climate change problem. Others, like climate scientists, do the opposite, based on their research and projections.

National interests play a key role, too. For example, it is unclear what role Russia, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela will ultimately play during COP21, in view of the fossil-fuel energy they produce and their current geo-political interests.

The US and China, the two largest polluters, which, paradoxically, are committing themselves to tackle climate change for example through increased usage of renewable energy, are probably giving concessions and commitments to each other to maintain some form of global truce.

Various countries also combine their national interests with their affiliations.

For example, Malta is bound by EU policy – which in itself is a condensation of different interests and ideologies at different levels – yet it is also a small island and a member of the Commonwealth.

During Malta’s CHOGM meeting, the 53 members reached their own common stance on climate change policy. A vital factor which is often overlooked in policy analysis is the organisational aspect. It is said that France invested much in organisation, hopefully to avoid a second Copenhagen. Bringing together delegates from almost 200 countries is a massive task, especially when each country has its own ideologies, interests and affiliations.

Delegations meet formally, informally, bilaterally, multilaterally, in a network of meetings. Some meetings are transparent and open to the press. Others are held behind closed doors, discussing sensitive issues such as climate financing, security and emissions targets through give-and-take negotiations. As one can imagine, negotiators are not on a level playing field, yet coalitions can play an important role.

The organisational aspect of COP21 will undoubtedly also be influenced by social interaction aspects which include charisma, emotion and goodwill. For example, the bland Obama of the Copenhagen summit seems to be replaced by a resolved and determined Obama in Paris. I only shudder to think what will happen if a Republican climate denier is elected US president next time around.

The charisma of Pope Francis and other religious and political leaders also plays an important role in the dramatisation of climate politics. Some countries like Sweden (through its red-green government) are presenting themselves as inspiring world leaders in the shift to clean energy.

Global civil society and the media play a vital sensitising role in COP21. The former was not discouraged by France’s security measures regarding public demonstrations. Social movements instead opted for a wave of protest in all corners of the world. Various media outlets, from mainstream press to alternative social media groups are giving voice to civil society whilst telling politicians that all the world is watching them.

Will the complexity of COP21 enhance dialogue for a global agreement? The opportunity is there, and a binding agreement will hopefully rise like a rainbow amid global risk.

The run-up to Paris

The Times of Malta, 28 September 2015
http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20150928/opinion/The-run-up-to-Paris.586150

The coming weeks can be crucial in the writing of one of the most important chapters of human history. Global consensus might be reached to have a universally legally-binding agreement on climate change.

Between November 30 and December 11, the United Nations will be hosting the climate change conference in Paris. There is an ever-growing global consensus that atmospheric temperature should not rise by more than 2°C compared to pre-industrial levels. Otherwise, there will be major environmental, social and economic repercussions to the detriment of generations of people.

What has not yet been achieved, however, is a consensus on how climate change should be tackled in terms of policymaking. The 2009 UN climate conference in Copenhagen was a major flop in this regard, though, a year later, in Cancún, 194 countries committed themselves to take action with respect to this target.

Last year, the United States and China reached an agreement to take the issue seriously, thus fuelling hope in the run-up to Paris. President Barack Obama promised that the US would reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 26 to 28 per cent below 2005 levels by 2025. President Xi Jinping pledged that Chinese CO2 emissions would peak by around 2030 and, possibly, before and to increase the non-fossil fuel share of energy sources to about 20 per cent by the same year.

This agreement means that a main bone of contention in climate negotiations, namely the antagonism between rich and poor countries on whose responsibility it is to tackle climate change, may now be less divisive.

It also means that two countries which account for around one-third of global greenhouse gas emissions are moving forward in their politics of climate change. It remains to be seen, however, if they are for a legally-binding global agreement.

In the meantime, the European Union is aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 40 per cent by 2030, when compared to 1990.

The EU is also aiming for at least 27 per cent of energy coming from renewable sources and a corresponding percentage of energy efficiency.

It aims to make its carbon-trading scheme more effective and to ensure that all member-states take actions to reach the EU’s global targets.

In relation to the targets that are being proclaimed by national governments and transnational blocs, global civil society is playing an important role in terms of sensitising the public and institutions on our present responsibilities towards humankind.

Pope Francis’s bold statement on climate change in his visit to the US a few days ago shows that the issue is truly peaking in terms of global consciousness. The Pope’s stance is even more impressive when one keeps in mind the recent publication of the Laudato Sì encyclical, which makes it clear that urgent action is needed.

Another impressive example from global civil society is the ‘divestment movement’, which is calling for divestment of investment from fossil fuel companies. Its supporters are wide-ranging, including cities, universities, media organisations, businesses, pension funds, religious communities, environmentalists, greens, progressives and celebrities. To-date, it has managed to divest $2.6 trillion of investments.

Where does Malta stand in all this?

Environment Minister Leo Brincat has made it clear that Malta supports the EU ‘s stand on climate change policies. In terms of implementation, Malta will shift dependency from oil to (cleaner) gas and usage of the interconnector. It remains to be seen if Malta will reach its EU 2020 targets, which, for example, aim for 10 per cent renewable energy.

Malta should do more as regards usage of renewable energy. Even though this will not have an impact in terms of global emissions, it can have an impact in terms of Malta’s energy sustainability and in terms of the global politics of climate change.

Being both a small-island and an EU member state, Malta can have a special role in voicing the concerns of small islands with respect to climate change impacts.

The disproportionate negative repercussions of climate change on small islands have been highlighted by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. In itself, this opens a window of opportunity for Malta for a challenge which should not be missed.